The Situation of Hungarians in Voivodina
1. HISTORY
The three territorial units known today as the Voivodina
(Vajdaság) region – Banat (Bánát), the western third of the former Temes
Bánság (Banovina), Backa (Bácska) and Srem (Szerémség) region – have
constituted the southern part of historic Hungary for a thousand year. During
the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian basin, this territory (Belgrade,
Nándorfehérvár, Bolgárfehérvár) was the border region of three empires: the
Frank, the Byzantine and the Bulgarian. After the establishment of statehood
and of the county system, Temes, Torontál, Bács-Bodrog and Szerémség counties
began to organize the life and protection of their inhabitants. By the end of
the 14th century, Szerémség and the southern half of the vast
territory between the Danube and Tisza Rivers had become the wealthiest, most
densely populated and entirely Hungarian-inhabited part of the Kingdom of
Hungary, which maintained active relations with Italy. Prior to the arrival of
the Turks, there were in Bács 12 castles, 28 towns, and 529 smaller
communities in addition to the eight abbeys and provosts, „loca credibile”.
Szerémség and Bács were also intellectually the country’s most developed
areas, receptive to everything new. The impact of Humanism can be traced
there, the early Hussite religious reform movement spread there, and the very
first Hungarian-language translation of the Bible was also done there.
The immigration of Serbian ethnic groups fleeing from the
Turks already began at the end of the 14th century, mostly in
Szerémség. The 1514 peasant revolt led by György Dózsa had twofold tragic
consequences for Hungary’s southern border regions: the loss of population and
the destruction of fortifications opened the way to the Ottoman conquerors,
and for the first time turned Hungarians and Serbs against each other. After
the Hungarian army’s defeat in the battle of Mohács in 1526, Turkish armies
(and their Serbo-Bosnian-Albanian auxiliary troops) burned down the southern
part of the country, massacred those who could not flee or turned them into
slaves. Only after the fall of Buda in 1543 did the Turks take full possession
of the country’s southern and central regions.
At the time of the first Turk census in 1557-1558, the major
part of the population in the northern part of Bánság was still Hungarian. Due
to the endless warring, a dual authority emerged in the territories under
Turkish occupation. While the king continued exercising the right to grant
privileges, the inhabitants also paid to their landlords taxes which were
collected by the soldiers of the border forts. The mass immigration of
Romanians also began during the Turkish occupation. (alone between 1641 and
1646, 10,000 families fleeing from Havasalföld (Moldavia) settled there.
The area between the Danube and Tisza rivers was liberated in
1686–1687, but temporary peace came only after Prince Eugene of Savoy’s
victory at Zenta in 1697 and the 1699 Peace Treaty of Karlovac (Sremski
Karlovci). The left bank of the Tisza river, the former Temes Bánság, remained
under Turkish rule until 1716, which is reflected in the names of several
communities such as Törökkanizsa (Novi Kneževac) and Törökbecse (Novi
Bečej).
The Serbian border region at the Maros and Tisza rivers and
the Danube was organized in two waves, between 1686 and 1688, and between 1700
and 1702. The Serbs who joined the Christian troops which freed the majority
of the Balkans – some 35,000 families under the leadership of Arsenije
Čarnojević, Patriarch of Peć (Ipek) fleeing from the Ottoman counterattack –
settled in the depopulated and desolate areas of southern Hungary and
Slavonia. Freedom charters issued by Emperor Leopold I in 1690 and 1691
granted them community rights and Greek Orthodox church and education
autonomy, thereby removing them from under the authority of the landlords, and
of the county and Catholic Church authorities. In the Borderguard Region
(Vojna Krajina, Militärgrenze) administered by Vienna, Serbs not only
protected the Turkish-Austrian frontier along the Sava River, but could also
be used against Hungary’s fights for independence. Between 1703 and 1711,
30,000 armed men were mobilized against Ferenc Rákóczi’s troops. The region
between the Danube and Tisza rivers south of the Szeged-Szabadka
(Subotica)-Zombor (Sombor) line became once again depopulated as a result of
the mutually brutal war campaigns and the devastating plague.
The entire territory became property of the Court Chamber and
Treasury (bodies of the Habsburg financial administration) where neither the
Hungarian landlords nor their serfs were allowed to return. By a directive of
the Court’s War Council, the Serbian peasants received benefits at the expense
of other nationalities. In 1716, a Crown Province administered from Vienna was
established with its seat in Temesvár (Timisoara), and within it several
border regions were set up in which Hungarians and Jews were prohibited to
settle. In the Temesvár Bánság – which later became Torontál, Temes and
Krassó–Szörény counties – 25,000 survivors, the majority of whom were Serbians
and Romanians, remained after the ouster of the Turks. Few Hungarian survivors
were left in the northern and eastern fringes bordering Transylvania. The
disastrous Turkish wars of 1736–1739 and 1787–1790 resulted not only in
territorial but also in great human and material losses, especially in the
southern part of the Bánság. During the large-scale and organized resettlement
of the region, mostly Catholic Germans were recruited. Beginning in 1741, the
Tisza-Maros and Danube border regions were eliminated. In return, Zombor
(Sombor), Újvidék (Novi Sad), and Szabadka (Subotica), inhabited by a southern
Slav majority, were granted or were able to purchase the status of free royal
towns. In addition, the privileged Serbian area of Kikinda was established and
army officers were granted Hungarian nobility titles. In the period following
the Edict of Tolerance issued in 1782, Protestant (mostly Reformed)
Hungarians, Germans and Slovaks were allowed to settle down in this region. As
a result, communities along the Tisza river, such as Magyarkanizsa (Kanjiža),
Törökkanizsa (Novi Kneževac), Óbecse (Bečej), Csóka (Čoka), and
Torontálvásárhely (Debeljača), once again became populated by Hungarians.
The period between 1789 and 1914 – the „long 19th
century” – was overall a positive era, characterized by population growth,
prosperity, economic development, and the expansion of the communication
network. Peaceful relations between nationalities prevailed in spite of
opposing national reform movements. This period was also marked by the
establishment of an educational and cultural institutional network and the
reintegration into European economic and intellectual life. In Újvidék (Novi
Sad), Serbian and German mayors were alternately elected. In 1864, the
Matica srpska, an institution to promote the reawakening of Serbian
national identity which is still active today, moved there, and the Serbian
high schools in Újvidék and Karlóca (Sremski Karlovci) were among the best
ones in the country, deservedly earning for Újvidék the appellation of the
„Serbian Athens”.
This process was interrupted by the events of 1848–1949,
during which the Bácska-Bánság part of the country suffered the greatest human
loss and material destruction because the Vienna government succeeded in
turning the Serbian border guards agains against the liberal government in
Budapest and against the Hungarians. A well-trained and well-equipped army of
several thousand soldiers with cannons terrorized and burned to the ground
Hungarian, German, and Romanian-inhabited settlements loyal to the government,
and also burned official and registry documents written in Hungarian since
1840. Severe atrocities (such as murders in Újvidék and Kikinda, pyramids of
human skulls in Zenta (Senta) and Bácsföldvár (Bačko Gradište), robberies
associated with murders and looting in Zombor (Sombor) were committed by
Serbian volunteers (servianus) numbering over 2,000. In response, 10,000
Hungarian, Bunievac, German and other inhabitants of Bácska voluntarily joined
the National Guard. In November 1848, Lajos Kossuth and the National Defense
Committee expressed their willingness to fulfill the majority of Serbian
demands, such as free use of the native-language at both the local and the
county levels and the recognition of the Serbs as a separate nation. However,
territorial autonomy for Voivodina, in alliance with Croatia-Slavonia, asked
for since 1790, was rejected. The poorly equipped Hungarian units were small
in number and had to retreat, abandoning Zenta and Zombor to their fate. Thus,
beginning February 1849, the entire region later known as Voivodina – with the
exception of Pétervárad (Petrovaradin) and Szabadka (Subotica) – came for two
to three months under Serbian-Austrian authority.
In the „Serbian Voivodina—Temesvár Bánság” which existed
between 1849 and 1860, the Serbian ethnic group living alongside the
Romanians, Germans and Hungarians constituted a minority. „German and
Illyrian”, in practice German, became the official language of the region.
The fifty-year period beginning in 1867 was a true golden age
for Hungary and its southern territories. Bácska and Bánság became the richly
producing food-pantry of the country and of the entire Austro-Hungarian
Monarchy, with plenty of wheat and flour left for export to the European
markets. While retaining its dominantly agricultural character, its rich
villages, modern cities, dense railroad network and busy waterways elevated
this region to the level of the developed European countries. There,
Hungarians, Germans, Serbians, Croatians, Slovaks and Romanians lived and
prospered peacefully. The net income per Hungarian acre (1.42 English acres)
in the Bánság was more than three times higher than that in the trans-Tisza
region. However, this extremely favorable picture had a darker side as well;
namely that while the majority of the rich and middle class landowners were
Serbian, German, Bunievac and Slovak, most of the large and minuscule
landowners along with the agricultural farm hands and landless agricultural
proletariate were to be found among Hungarians.
The great drainage and flood control works, and the
construction of canals and dikes led to improvements in the region. Arable
land increased and river traffic developed. In this period, cities became
truly European in character, with paved roads, water, gas, and sewage systems,
gas and electric lighting, and municipal electric streetcars in Újvidék and
Szabadka. Impressive public buildings were erected in the then fashionable
eclectic and folk-secessionist style of that period (evidenced by the county
halls in Zombor and Becskerek, the city halls in Szabadka and other cities,
and schools, barracks and churches). However, the unfavorable demographic
trends that are culminating today had already begun in the Hungarian-inhabited
districts, namely the decline in the number of births, the aging of the
population, and a European „record” with regard to the suicide rate. In spite
of these circumstances, the proportion of Hungarians increased, partly because
the natural population growth of Hungarians exceeded that of non-Hungarians,
and because the majority of the immigrants were Germans, Slovaks, Ruthenians,
and Croatians. At the same time, encouraged by their nearly similar religion,
strong Hungarianization took place among the Germans, Bunievac-Sokac and the
Jews, a process which hardly affected the other ethnic groups, such as the
Serbs.
At the outbreak of World War I, several hundred Serbs were
interned, and several thousand Serbian soldiers stationed in Hungary went over
to the Allies. In November 1918, the advancing Serbian royal army occupied
Temesvár, Baja and Pécs. At the Great People’s Assembly held in Újvidék on 25
November, representatives of the Bunievac also decided to join Serbia. At this
point, the population of the southern part of the country was divided into
three equal parts: the Hungarians; the Southern Slavs (Serbians, Croatians,
Bunievac); and the Germans and other ethnic groups such as the Slovaks,
Romanians and Ruthenians. (Fleeing from the Turks, the Croatians of Bosnian
and Dalmatian origin, and the Bunievac and Sokac of partly Serbian origin
settled down in southern Hungary, in Szabadka, Zombor, and vicinity. They took
up Croatian identity because of their Catholic religion).
Under the terms of the 1920 Trianon Peace Treaty, 6.5 percent
of the territory of historic Hungary (excluding Croatia and Slavonia), that is
21,000 km2 including the Mura region, Muraköz, Danube-Drávaszög,
Bácska and one third of the former Temes Bánság, with 1,5 million inhabitants
– of whom close to one third were ethnic Hungarians – became part of the
Serb-Croat-Slovene Kingdom proclaimed on 1 December 1918. The predominantly
Hungarian and German-inhabited Voivodina (55.4% of its population in 1910,
51.4% in 1921 belonged to these ethnic groups) came from several viewpoints
into a disadvantageous situation within the new state. The development of
industry and transport stopped and the land reform, carried out on a national
basis resulted in a setback of agricultural production. Development came to a
halt in Hungarian-Bunievac inhabited Szabadka (in 1910 the third largest city
in Hungary), now located on the fringe of Hungary’s southern border, and taxes
more than doubled following the introduction of the royal dictatorship. On the
other hand, the dominantly Serbian-inhabited Újvidék (Novi Sad), the seat of
the Danube-Bánság, became the focus of economic development. This forced the
residents to choose between internal migration or emigration. Between 1918 and
1940, the population in the province increased by 190,000, of whom 80,000 were
„colonists”, most of them Serbs. A decree issued by the Council of Ministers
on 25 February 1919 excluded people with „unsettled citizenship” from the
ranks of those asking for land. In 1921, the number of Hungarian farm hands,
harvesters, and small leaseholders in Bácska who were deprived of their means
of existence came close to 24,000, making up with family members over
one-fourth of the entire Hungarian population. It was thus natural that the
majority of those who emigrated moved to cities, and took up work in other
regions of the country came from among these people. This „conversion” on the
basis of national considerations also took place in the banks and financial
institutions. Most of them were eliminated, thereby removing their former
managers, mostly ethnic Hungarians and Germans, or forcing them to merge with
Serbian-owned banks.
The social structure of the Hungarian population became even
more unfavorable: 75 percent of them lived from agriculture, 18 to 20 percent
were employed in large and small scale enterprises, and the number of those in
the intellectual and employee categories was even smaller. Similarly to other
territories detached from Hungary, several thousand state, county, and
community employees, officers, office-holders and intellectuals fled to
Hungary, leaving the remaining Hungarians without intellectual leadership.
Alleged unreliability and insufficient knowledge of the state-language were
given as the main reasons for the ongoing dismissals and expulsions.
On 6 January 1929, King Alexander introduced Serbian royal
dictatorship by abrogating the Constitution of 1921. He divided the country
into nine bánság (banovina) and the capital city. Voivodina, with a population
of 1,6 million, became part of the Danube-Bánság with 2.1 million people, to
which were attached the Szerémség (Srem) region and North-Eastern Serbia with
500,000 ethnic Serbs and several thousand Croatian, German and Slovak
inhabitants. As a result, the proportion of ethnic Hungarians and Germans who
previously made up the majority of the population was diminished to a large
extent.
Native-language education took place only at the lower four
or six grades at the elementary school level. The only Hungarian-language high
school existed in Szabadka. The language of instruction at the higher
education level was the state-language even in theological academies. A mere
one thousandth of the 500,000 Hungarians earned diplomas in the interwar
period. There was a shortage of Hungarian teachers, physicians, clergymen,
veterinarians, and economic and agricultural experts. The Catholic and
Protestant Churches did much to preserve the language and culture of the
national minorities, but the clergymen actively engaged in public education
were harassed, imprisoned, and expelled. From 1927 on, the Bishop of Szabadka
gave priority to the use of the Croatian language and appointed Bunievac
priests oriented toward Zagreb to Hungarian parishes. The Hungarian Party in
Yugoslavia, organized by lawyers, physicians, and landowners could be formed
only in 1922. It was banned several times and its leaders and activists were
persecuted and intimidated. Imre Várady, Leó Deák and Imre Prokopy gave voice
to minority grievances and attempted to gain protection in the Yugoslav
Parliament, the Skupstina, in Belgrade, and at the League of Nations in
Geneva.
In April 1941, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia fell apart and
capitulated as a result of the armed attack by Germany, Italy, and Bulgaria.
After the formation of the independent Croatian state, Hungarian troops
reoccupied Bácska, South Baranya (Baranja) and the Croatian-inhabited Muraköz
and Muravidék regions while Bánság was taken by the Germans. Following the
June 1941 attack against the Soviet Union, organized partisan fighting broke
out on orders from Moscow. Between July and October 1941, 35 acts of sabotage
took place in Bácska. Only one organized partisan unit by the name of Sajkás,
with 58 men, operated in the vicinity of Titel. Beginning December 1941, they
shot dead several gendarmes, border guards and soldiers, including the
gendarmerie commander in Zsablya (Žabalj). The massive razzias and executions
by the Hungarian gendarmeries and military units which followed in January
1942 were not justified by the search for the partisans who had fled, in part
from a simultaneous German military action, and were hiding in Zsablya, Csurog
(Čurug), and Újvidék, and whose number hardly exceeded one hundred. The
„mopping up action” cost the lives of 3,300 civilians, of whom 2,500 were
ethnic Serbs.
The three-and-half year long Hungarian occupation brought
favorable changes to the local ethnic Hungarian population, primarily in the
fields of culture and education (although the instruction of the Serbo-Croat
and „Vend” languages remained mandatory in every school). However, it also
caused disappointment since the long-awaited just land reform that would have
at last granted land to the dispossessed Hungarians did not take place.
The loss in human lives among the ethnic Hungarian minority
was probably close to 60,000, and close to 16,000 among the Hungarian-speaking
Jews. On 18 October 1944, the gathering of Germans and Hungarians into camps
began. According to official reports, 140,000 Germans and several hundred
Hungarians were forced into 41 labor camps located throughout Voivodina. Many
of them died because of illness and famine. The retaliatory measures in
1944–1945 against the Hungarian population severely affected the national
community. On the basis of Márton Matuska’s and Sándor Mészáros’ thorough
investigations conducted in archives, one can firmly state that 20,000
Hungarians were executed without trial. Among the victims were hundreds of
Catholic and Protestant clergymen as well as secular leaders who were murdered
for allegedly cooperating with the Fascists. (Until recently, it was not even
possible to talk about this event. In the cemetery of Újvidék, the religious
crosses erected in the victims’ memory are being vandalized year after year.)
This genocide had a three-fold purpose: to retaliate and intimidate the local
Hungarian population, and to deprive them of their leaders. Furthermore, their
fate was also sealed by the disappearance of the ethnic German population
whose religious and work culture was similar to that of the Hungarians. Of the
600,000 Germans living in Serbia, more than 250,000 perished at the war front,
in concentration camps and during the 1944–1945 revenge actions. The some
330,000 survivors found a new home in the western part of Germany.
The stigmatization of the Hungarians in Voivodina was eased
only partially by the fact that a considerable number of them participated in
the anti-fascist struggle movement (for example, in the Petőfi brigade and the
army corps of Voivodina). In addition, the fact that Hungarians played a very
active role in the work of the labor unions and had a strong left-wing
attachment during the interwar period could not be denied. However, even the
mention of their civic and national traditions was forbidden.
In accordance with the 1943 AVNOJ resolution passed in Jajce,
Voivodina was granted the status of an autonomous province within Serbia. The
Yugoslav Peoples’ Liberation Council which linked together all partisan
activities, reorganized the country into a system of federal states and
provinces. Between 1944 and 1948, 385,000 hectares of land were distributed in
Voivodina and Slavonia among 40,000 southern settler families (Serbs from Lika
in Croatian Krajina, Bosnians, Montenegrins), numbering 200,000. One tenth of
this distributed land was given to 18,000 landless Hungarians. With the
exception of the Germans, no large scale deportations or population exchange
took place. Yet, about 30,000 Hungarians – mostly those who had served in the
Hungarian army and members of their families – moved to Hungary. The influx of
people into Voivodina continued, with more than 500,000 newcomers settling in
the province between 1953 and 1971. This influx continues to this day from the
south, with refugees coming from Kosovo. As a result, the proportion of the
Hungarian minority in the province has shrunk from the former one-third to
one-sixth today, putting them in an even more desperate situation.
After 1956, fundamental changes in Yugoslavia’s earlier
show-window minority policy took place as a result of the diminishing pressure
exerted on the country, and the government took the first steps toward
eliminating independent Hungarian institutions. It terminated all initiatives
aimed at establishing „vertical self-organization”. From then on, similar
aspirations, even in the form of poetic metaphors, were neither allowed nor
tolerated and such writings were immediately destroyed. As a result of the
forced setting up of so-called territorial schools and bilingual cultural
associations, independent intellectual life gradually declined in the
settlements where scattered Hungarian communities lived. The younger
generations embarked on the road to assimilation. At the same time, a network
of cultural and information institutions, unique in East-Central Europe, was
established for the nationalities in Voivodina. In the 1960s and 1970s, the
daily Magyar Szó, published in Újvidék, was regarded as the best
Hungarian-language daily in the world. The television and radio stations in
Újvidék broadcast outstanding cultural and news programs. Híd (Bridge),
Új Symposion, and Létünk (Our Existence) provided the highest
standards among Hungarian-language periodicals, and Forum was for a long time
the most successful Hungarian book publishing house outside the borders of
Hungary.
Even though the Constitution of 1974 granted contradictory
status to Voivodina and Kosovo, they actually both enjoyed the legal status of
a republic for nearly a decade and a half. In fact, the decentralization and
self-administration already started in the 1950s paved the way for the
establishment of republic, provincial, and communal power centers — a process
merely codified by the Constitution of 1974.
The Čanadanović-Doronjski-Krunić-Major leadership in
Voivodina did in fact defend local, primarily economic interests. However, it
continued a very strict policy of oppression against the intellectuals and
nationalities (among them Hungarians and and even Bunievacs, who were
considered to be Croatians) struggling for democratization, thereby preventing
them from establishing so-called vertical organizations on a nationality
basis, and hindering their contacts with their motherland. To intimidate the
minorities, a number of show trials were also masterminded, for example the
banning of Új Symposion in 1971, the conviction of Károly Vicei in
1975, the police surveillance and dispersing of the Association for the
Protection of Hungarian Language, the expelling of teachers in Kanizsa, and
the renewed breaking up of the Sziveri-led Új Symposion in 1982. The
pressure exerted upon the Churches was the most severe here, similar or in
some cases even exceeding that in the Soviet Union. Religious education was
terminated, teachers who took part in public church activities (for example,
cantors) were dismissed, the social activities of clergymen, especially among
young people, were hindered in every possible way. Those who practiced their
religion could not obtain higher qualifications, and were relegated to the
periphery of society.
After 1948, under the psychosis of fear made permanent by the
preparations to repel a Soviet attack, the authorities fought by every means
against Hungarian nationalism, which they considered extremely dangerous. They
attempted to create a Yugoslav-Voivodina Hungarian national(ity) identity
which could be turned against that of Budapest. At the expense of Voivodina’s
own citizens, primarily of the ethnic nationality members who made up
one-fourth of the population, its universities and colleges were used to train
a large number of intellectuals and leaders with an alien mentality. These
people never returned to the underdeveloped southern areas of the country but
took for themselves jobs, including many leadership positions, in Voivodina,
thereby reducing the chances of the local population, especially of the young
ethnic nationals, for employment. This „autonomist” leadership was swept away
on 6 October 1988 by the „yogurt” revolution, a „spontaneous” mass
demonstration organized from Belgrade. The participating masses, including
mainly southern colonists and their descendants, as well as students and
workers (who were paid for that day) were transported upon higher instructions
to Voivodina by buses and trains. The revolution received its name because
sandwiches, soft drinks and yogurts were distributed among the cheerful
demonstrators.
On 8 August 1990, the amendment of the Constitution by the
Yugoslav federal parliament made possible the establishment of a multi-party
system, and thus of Hungarian self-organization. However, instead of the
long-awaited democratic changes, a war broke out for the establishment of a
Greater Serbia. This goal was proclaimed first in a 1986 memorandum of the
Serbian Academy of Science and Arts and then in 1989 by Slobodan Milošević at
mass meetings in Kosovo and Belgrade. The war, which went on for eight years,
led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Today, the ethnic Hungarian population
in Voivodina is living through the most difficult period of its contemporary
history.
2. STATISTICAL INFORMATION
Area: 102,173 km2 .
Total Population: 10,4 million (according to the 1991
census).
Density of Population: 101,7 people/km2 .
Ethnic Groups: Serbian 62.6%, Albanian 13.5%, Montenegrin
5.5%, Hungarian 3.9%, Bosnian 3%.
Religions: Serb Greek Orthodox 44%, Roman Catholic 31%,
Muslim 12%, Jewish (no data), Protestant (no data), other 11.5%.
Spoken Languages: Serbian (official language), Albanian,
Hungarian.
Health data: average life expectancy at birth 73 years
(female) and 68 (male).
Form of government: Federal Republic (Serbia and Crna
Gora /Montenegro/).
Branches of Power: legislative bodies include the federal
and the republic parliaments, and the Voivodina provincial assembly. Executive
power is exercised by the federal government under the control of the
President of the Federal Republic. The highest body of the judicial branch is
the Supreme Court.
Capital: Belgrade (pop. 1,554,000)
Other Cities: Novi Sad, Niš, Kragujevac, Leskovac,
Kruševac.
Urban Population: 46%.
Administrative Division: local self-government (4,819),
community of local self-government (210); 29 districts and 2 provinces,
including Voivodina, in Serbia. Specifically, Voivodina includes:
|
Territory (km2) |
Population |
Bácska |
8,956 |
984,511 |
Bánság |
8,886 |
680,347 |
Szerémség |
3,838 |
349,011 |
Total |
21,680 |
2,013,869 |
Provincial seat of Voivodina: Újvidék (Novi Sad).
Political Parties: in Serbia – Serbian
Socialist Party (SSP),Yugoslav Left Wing (JLW), Serbian Radical Party (SRP),
Serbian Renewal Movement (SRM), Serbian Civic Federation (SCF), Serbian
Democratic Party (SDP), Serbian Social Democratic Party (SSDP), Voivodina
Coalition (VC), Hungarian Federation in Voivodina (HFV), Democratic Alliance
in Kosovo (DCK). In Crna Gora – Democratic Party of Socialists
in Crna Gora, People’s Party of Crna Gora, Social Democratic Party, Party of
Democratic Action, Democratic Union of Albanians.
GDP: 14,4 billion DEM (1998)
GDP per capita: 1,444 DEM (1998), 13,900 YU Dinar. I.e.
1,544 DEM respectively (estimated for 1999).
GDP annual growth rate: 1998 state budgetary projection
was +10%, actual growth rate for 1998 was +2.6%. 1999 state budgetary
projection was +7%, forecast for 1999: –23.6% according to governmental
estimate and –40% to –53% according to independent estimate.
Exchange rates: the official currency exchange rate,
still valid today is 1 DEM = 6 YUD. The 1998 actual exchange rate was 1 DEM =
9.0 YUD and the expected 1999 rate was 1 DEM = 14 YUD (governmental estimate)
and 1 DEM = 18–19 YUD (independent estimate).
Inflation: 1998 data on the cost of living was 29.8%; The
expected figure for 1999 is 50% (government and independent estimates are
identical).
Unemployment: real figure for 1998 – approximately 2
million jobless. No data are available for the projected figure for 1999;
expected figure for 1999 – approximately 2 million (governmental and
independent sources are identical). These figures include some 600,000
refugees and about 550,000 to 600,000 employees on forced leave. The 2 million
unemployed make up about 20 percent of the entire population and about 40
percent of the able-bodied working population.
Underground (black) economy: its share accounts for close
to 40 to 45 percent of the economy.
Table 1 indicates the number and proportion of ethnic
Hungarians living in Voivodina between 1880 and 1991.
Table 1 The number and proportion of Hungarians living in
Voivodina between 1880 and 1991
Year |
Number of Hungarians |
Percentage |
1880 |
268,300 |
22.9 |
1910 |
431,874 |
28.8 |
1921 |
371,013 |
24.1 |
1931 |
362,993 |
22.3 |
1941 |
456,770 |
28.4 |
1948 |
418,180 |
25.6 |
1953 |
438,636 |
26.0 |
1961 |
442,560 |
23.8 |
1971 |
423,866 |
21.7 |
1981 |
385,356 |
18.9 |
1991 |
340,946 |
16.9 |
According to the data of the 1991 census (taken while
Yugoslavia was still united), 345,376 ethnic Hungarians resided in Yugoslavia,
of whom 340,946 lived in Voivodina. At that time, 75,63 percent of the
Hungarians lived in Bácska, 21,56 percent in Bánát, and 2,81 percent in
Szerémség. In four localities, specifically Zenta (Senta), Ada (Ada),
Magyarkanizsa (Kanjiža) and Kishegyes (Mali Iđoš), they made up the absolute
majority of the population. In four other communities: Óbecse (Bečej), Topolya
(Bačka Topolja), Csóka (Čoka) and Szabadka (Subotica), Hungarians constituted
a relative majority. In several villages, Hungarians who live in scattered
communities also constitute the majority of the population. In Voivodina,
Hungarians account for 17 percent of the province‘s 2.1 million population and
there is practically no locality without Hungarian inhabitants, with
Hungarians living in 453 of Voivodina’s 464 settlements.
Between the last two censuses taken in 1981 and 1991,
respectively, the proportion of Hungarians decreased to the greatest extent
(by 25% to 30%) in Alibunar, Beocsin, Zsablya, Ürög, Pećinci, Šid, and (by 20%
to 25%) in Bács, Bácspalánka, Versec, Pancsova, and Titel, where they lived in
scattered communities. In compactly Hungarian-inhabited districts such as Ada,
Kanizsa, Zenta, Topolya, Kishegyes, Szabadka and Óbecse, the decline in the
number of Hungarians was the smallest (5% to 10%).
Reasons for the decrease of the Hungarian population include
the extremely low birth rate, an ongoing policy of forced assimilation, mass
emigration, the catastrophic aging of the population, the very high number of
suicides, alcoholism, the outbreak of contagious diseases, the high number of
divorces and abortions and, in the case of mixed marriages, the use of a
so-called „Yugoslav” census category. The proportion of Hungarians
significantly decreased in comparison with the Serbs as a result of three
factors: (1) the uninterrupted process of forced resettlement of Serbs since
the Trianon Treaty, (2) census manipulations, and (3) the simultaneous
artificial atrophying of the network of Hungarian institutions.
Since the outbreak of the Yugoslav conflict in 1991, the
ethnic composition of Voivodina’s population underwent such drastic changes
that most of the data available today are antiquated. According to some
sources, approximately 40,000 to 50,000, ethnic Hungarians have left their
homeland since 1992 due to the war. Other sources place this number at about
100,000. Next to political, economic, and social insecurity, call-ups for
military duty far exceeding their share of the population were the decisive
factors in inducing Hungarians, most of them young and skilled, to emigrate.
At the same time, a massive influx of Serbian „refugees” from Bosnia and
Croatia, estimated to number close to 250,000, took place. As a result of the
Croatian military campaign in August 1995, Yugoslavia admitted 150,000 Serbian
refugees from Knin Krajina, of whom 110,000 (or 75% of the total) were sent to
Voivodina. According to data provided by the provincial Red Cross, Voivodina
alone took in over 200,000 refugees or 42 percent of all refugees arriving in
Serbia. According to UN High Commissioner for Refugees records, the number of
refugees in Voivodina in 1995 was 259,719. Since the 1920s, tens of thousands
of refugees were systematically and continuously resettled in compactly
Hungarian-inhabited regions and in western-Bácska, as the result of a
deliberate and uninterrupted policy of assimilation. Their arrival and
settling down broke up the homogeneous character of the ethnic Hungarian
population, that changed the previous nearly 50-50 percent balance between
Hungarians and Serbs. The armed Serbian refugees provoked numerous acts of
local atrocities, primarily in Croatian or Hungarian-inhabited areas. They
also began to inventory and even take by force the properties of those who had
left their homeland or had moved away temporarily.
The expansion of the extremist Serbian nationalist forces
resulted in growing fears among the ethnic Hungarians. During the 1997
parliamentary and presidential elections, the Serbian Radical Party led by
Vojislav Šešelj achieved a frighteningly big success. In some Voivodina
localities where this party came to power, the SRD began to restructure the
communities and to alter the original ethnic composition of the population
through the final resettlement of refugees. This happened for example in
Temerin, where plots were distributed free of charge among refugees solely in
the district inhabited by a Hungarian majority even though land was also
available in other districts. A territorial reorganization plan was approved
by the local council at the time of NATO’s airstrikes against Yugoslavia.
Bezdán (Bezdan), another Hungarian-inhabited community, faces a similar danger
as the local self-government plans to erect an eastern Orthodox Church for the
Serbian refugees. In June 1999, the local self-government of Törökkanizsa
distributed land to the Serbian refugees free of charge, thereby altering the
traditional ethnic composition of the settlement.
The Serbian refugees who were resettled in the first half of
the 1990s are in possession of a large number of weapons, and often harass the
local Hungarian population in the open street, primarily in western Bácska. In
several communities, these refugees have divided among themselves the most
valuable plots of land, and have informed the local Hungarian population that
they were ready to eliminate them physically as a final way to drive them out.
The latest anti-Hungarian acts in Csonoplya (Čonoplja), Bezdán, and Gombos
(Bogojevo) support this fact.
Following NATO’s military action against Yugoslavia, refugees
began to arrive from Kosovo to Voivodina. According to estimates by ethnic
Hungarian organizations in Voivodina, approximately 10,000 to 15,000 refugees,
mostly Romas, arrived in the province. Due to the lack of prospects, the slow
exodus of Hungarians is continuing while Serbian refugees are buying their
vacant properties. As a result, Hungarians could well become a local minority
in districts in which they presently constitute an absolute or a relative
majority.
3. LEGAL STATUS
The 1974 Constitution of the Yugoslav Federation, the Serbian
Republic, and the Province of Voivodina all recognized Hungarians as a
state-building national minority, thereby guaranteeing them collective rights.
This is evidenced by the following legal provisions:
Constitution of the Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic:
In the Preamble, Sections 1 and 5; Parts I to VII of the
Fundamental Principles; and Articles 1, 4, 154, 170, 171, 245, 246, 247 and
248.
Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Serbia:
Preamble and Articles 1, 2, 145, 146, 147, 148, 178, 194,
233, 240, 291, 293, 294 and 295.
In even greater detail in the Constitution of the Socialist
Autonomous Province of Voivodina:
Art. 1; Art. 2, par.1; Articles 4, 5, 177 and 189; Art.
192, par. 4, 5, 6; Art. 197, par. 1; Art. 233, par. 1 and 2; Art. 237, par.
1, 2, 3; and Art. 271.
Based on the Constitutions of 1974, a broad system of
minority rights protection was established. Equality before the law was
guaranteed for all nationalities living in Yugoslavia, except for matters
relating to the military, and to economic and foreign policy. Hungarians
gained representation in the Federal Republic, and Provincial Parliaments and
in local representative bodies in proportion to their number of the general
population. The principles of proportion and rotation prevailed in the
composition of the collective body that ran the state and the collective
leadership of the assemblies, with the exception of military affairs. On the
international scene, the Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic (YSFR) often
initiated the further development of the legal system for the protection of
national minorities. Until 1988, it adopted and ratified every international
convention on the protection of minorities. However, the government was
extremely careful to see to it that the great many formal elements in the laws
did not become general practice. To this end, it relied mainly on its cadre
policy. The elected and appointed ethnic Hungarian leaders were not elected by
the Hungarian community. In every case they had to be loyal to the government
and a member of the Communist Party living in a mixed marriage. As opposed to
other leaders, they could never exercise the right of veto. The government
also curtailed the rights of assembly and organization and the freedom of
speech on the basis of nationality.
The Constitution of the Serbian Republic adopted on 28
September 1990, which defines Serbia as a civic state with a multi-party
system, fails to recognize national minorities as communities, as well as
their collective rights. The constitution treats collective rights as
individual citizen and human rights, as evidenced in the Preamble’s Articles
1, 6, 8, Art.9, par.1, Art. 13, Art.32, par.3, Articles 41 and 49, Art.108,
par.1 and 2, Art.109, Art.110, par.1, and Art.112. The Constitution adopted by
the Autonomous Province of Voivodina in 1991 deals with national minority
rights as individual human and civil rights in Article 1, par.1 and Articles
4, 6, 13, and 15. The Constitution adopted much later by the Yugoslav Federal
Republic (Serbia and Montenegro) on 27 April 1992 also treats nationality
rights as individual rights, as shown in its Preamble and in Articles 1, 2,
11, 15, 20, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, and 50. As a result of these
constitutional amendments, Hungarians – like other national minorities in
Yugoslavia – were granted the rights of self-rule and freedom of assembly as
an unalienable part of human rights but lost their formal collective
rights.
The Constitutions of Serbia and Yugoslavia deprived the
provinces of their right to constitutional and legislative power, and allowed
them only to express their opinion. They eliminated the independent financial
sources and budgets of the provinces and their communities. Nominally,
Voivodina remained an independent province, but in reality it became only a
geographical term. The heavily centralized republic government retained all
decision-making power and entrusted the executive power to the
newly-established districts headed by governors. In practice, all power is
centralized in the hands of the President of the Federal Republic.
The constitutional amendment also put an end to the practice
of multilinguism, widely used until then. Today, Voivodina’s five official
languages belong to the past, and the only official language is Serbian with
its Cyrillic alphabet variant. At the local level, however, community
multilinguism financed by local sources is still possible.
The 1990 ruling of the Serbian Supreme Court seriously
affected the social and economic situation of Hungarians in Voivodina because
it eliminated the mandatory advertisement of applications for employment in
the language of the minorities as well. In other words, the court ruled as
unlawful the legal principle of the „nationality quota”, widely used until
then in the employment practice of public institution and companies. A
Ministry for Minority Affairs at the federal, republic, and provincial levels,
respectively, still exists formally today but its staff is miniscule. To a
small extent, it fulfills a fund-distributing function, and its officials are
nationality members loyal to the government. The government not only excludes
the legitimate minority representatives from the decision-making process, but
also casts doubts on the need for and the representative character of their
organizations.
No law on nationalities has been adopted to this day. In 1993
the Panić government prepared under the direction of then Justice Minister
Tibor Várady a draft bill on the freedom rights of Yugoslavia’s minority
communities and their members. The draft bill is based primarily on civil
liberties, but at the same time treats individuals as members of given
national minorities who are in possession of certain collective rights.
Among the various autonomies, the bill envisaged to redefine
multi-national territorial and administrative autonomy, but it also left ample
room for elements of other types – functional, cultural and personal –
minority autonomies.
Several legal regulations adopted in the 1990s, which
seemingly apply equally to all citizens, discriminate primarily against ethnic
Hungarians. The most important ones are:
Serbia’s administrative redistricting in 1991, which
transferred the Hungarian-inhabited territories into four new districts,
thereby putting them in new, artificial centers dominated by Serbs with the
purpose of reducing natural centers of attraction.
The new republic law on territorial development (1991),
which enacted economic measures to the detriment of minority-inhabited
regions that, by means of unprecedented centralization, transfer larger
quantities of locally-produced goods to Serbia.
The new republic law on language use (1991), which revoked
the right to use the native language previously exercised in the former
autonomous province. According to the law, local governments may determine
by themselves the use of official languages (in public administration and
court proceedings, a separate request must be made for the use of native
languages. However, the law abolished the funding of the costs involved and
in practice, Hungarian-language administrative procedures, bilingual
documents and signs can be requested only through a series of bureaucratic
steps).
The discriminatory laws on education (1992, 1998), which
resulted in the further atrophying of Hungarian-language institutions at the
elementary, secondary, and university level (for example, the setting up of
a class requires a minimum of 15 students; the knowledge of the minority
language is no longer a condition for hiring teachers, as a result of which
Hungarian-language schools are becoming increasingly bilingual; principals
and school board directors are no longer elected but appointed by central
authorities; Serbian became the administrative language in institutions, and
so on).
The border crossing fee introduced in 1994 and raised
several times since then.
The new republic law on inheritance adopted in 1995, which
excludes from inheriting those who went abroad, including those who fled
military conscription.
On 18 June1996, the Federal Parliament adopted Yugoslavia’s
Law on Amnesty, which guarantees impunity to those who fled military draft
but does not free them from compulsory military service.
The new Law on Self-Government adopted on 11 November 1999,
which further curtails the authority of local self-governments, reducing it
practically to the execution of communal tasks.
The participation of Hungarians in the legislative power
The elected representatives of the Hungarian interest
protection organizations have been present since 1990 in the federal,
republic, and provincial parliaments. As a result of the latest elections,
only the Alliance of Hungarians in Voivodina (VMSZ) gained full-fledged
parliamentary representation with three seats in the Federal Parliament and
four seats in the Serbian Parliament. VMSZ also has 11 deputies in the
Provincial Assembly of Voivodina, the Christian-Democratic Union (KDT), two
deputies, and the Hungarian Democratic Party of Voivodina (VMDP), one. Other
ethnic Hungarian representatives elected as members of other parties,
primarily the Serbian Socialist Party, are also present in the assemblies.
The arbitrary modification of the electoral districts, the
ad hoc amendment of the election law, and the holding of the elections
provided an opportunity for numerous abuses, and at the all-Yugoslav level,
the frauds hurt primarily the opposition, and in Voivodina, primarily the
ethnic Hungarians.
The participation of Hungarians in self-governments
At the local election held in November, 1996, of the two
competing ethnic Hungarian parties, VMSZ and the Democratic Community of the
Hungarians in Voivodina (VMDK), the candidates of the former were clearly the
winners. However, among the former seven Hungarian self-governments,
Hungarians have an absolute majority in only two local councils, Kanizsa and
Zenta. In Kishegyes, Becse, Topolya and Szabadka Hungarians also have
significant representation, but their parties were obliged to cooperate with
the Serbian Socialist Party (SSP). In Ada and Csóka, parties of the current
Serbian government coalition are running local affairs. In fall 1999, SSP took
over the direction of the representative body in Kishegyes. The local
executive power is execised by various forms of coalitions: in some districts,
one or the other Hungarian party allied itself with the government parties, in
other districts with the opposition parties.
The local (district) self-governments are striving to
maintain their independence, but they are subordinated to the higher authority
of the district commissioner. Nationality viewpoints played the smallest
determining role in the establishment of the districts, as shown by the
division in two of the compactly Hungarian-inhabited northern Bácska. As a
result of the unprecedented centralization, the scope of the local
self-governments is very limited. The introduction of a bicameral system of
local self-governments has been on the agenda since 1997. The new Law on
Self-Government, adopted on 11 November 1999, in the spirit of Serbian
centralization further curtails the rights of local governments, downgrading
them to branches of the Interior Ministry for the performance of communal
tasks. The upcoming one-round local elections of representatives by a simple
majority vote, expected to take place in 2000, increase the chances of victory
of the current coalition in power.
4. INTEREST REPRESENTATION
The constitutional amendment adopted by the former Parliament
of the Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic on 8 August 1990 allowed for the
establishment of a multi-party system in the country, and also provided the
basis for the establishment of vertical interest protection organizations by
the ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina.
On 18 December 1989, on behalf of an 11-member initiative
committee, András Ágoston submitted to the Socialist Federation’s Provincial
Assembly of Voivodina the documents relating to the establishment of the
Democratic Community of Hungarians in Voivodina (VMDK). On 31 March 1990 in
Doroszló (Doroslovo) in western Bácska, VMDK came into existence. The
statutory meeting elected András Ágoston as chairman, and Sándor Hódi and
János Vékás as vice-chairmen. Among the objectives in the program of the
organization established as a political movement, the following deserve to be
mentioned:
proportional representation and cooperation in elected
official bodies, and the right to adequate representation in public
administrative and judicial bodies;
the right to use the native language in contacts with
official and judicial bodies and in public life in general;
the right to establish and run nationality institutions,
organizations, associations, and clubs;
the right of access to information in the
native-language;
the right to nurture and protect creative artistic work in
nationality languages, and to preserve ethnographic values;
the right to conduct scientific researches related to the
situation of the nationalities;
the right to protect urban units of a nationality
character, and to preserve the cultural material mementos and objects;
the right to native language education at the primary and
secondary level, and to provide an adequate form of higher education in the
native-language;
the right to maintain organized contacts with institutions
in the mother-country, and to enjoy the free use of the material benefits
offered there in the fields of science and culture for the purpose of
individual education and advanced training;
the right to join and become involved in the work of the
international organizations of the nationalities and national
minorities.
Following the establishment of the organization, András
Ágoston called in a letter upon the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art and
Science to initiate scientific researches to find out the causes for the
vendetta against more than 20,000 ethnic Hungarians in 1944/1945, so that the
Hungarians in Voivodina may learn the whole truth. On 27 July 1990 Ágoston
sent a memorandum to the President of Serbia, stressing that VMDK did not
consider the open and unresolved situation of ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina
as the internal affair of Serbia, and proposed for the first time a dialogue
with the Serbian state. On 28 June 1990, Ágoston called upon the members of
his party and on ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina to vote in the 1 July
referendum for the introduction of the multi-party system. On 3 August 1990,
he began to collect signatures protesting the closing down of the People’s
Theatre in Szabadka.
On 27 August 1990, after a considerable delay, VMDK was
registered by the competent state bodies. Following its registration, it could
begin to build up its local and district organizations, and its membership
soon reached 25,000. On 17 September 1990, the first issue of its bulletin,
Hírmondó (Messenger), was published (apart from short interruptions, it
was published until 1996). On 29 September 1990, the party’s First Congress,
held in Ada in presence of 500 delegates, adopted the program of the
organization.
(Shortly after this event, state security bodies allegedly
tried to establish a counter- organization by the name of Hungarians for
their Country — Yugoslavia, with an interior ministry officer named Josip
Molnár chosen to head it. However, this attempt did not mislead the
Hungarians.)
The Second Congress of VMDK was held in Szabadka on 21 April
1991, with the participation of 1,100 delegates and some 3,000 interested
persons. Participating Bishop László Tőkés from Transylvania pressed for
universal solutions with regard to minority issues and for open borders in the
Central European region. András Ágoston declared VMDK to be the only
legitimate political representation of ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina. The
Congress protested in the strongest terms the redistricting of Serbia and the
centralization policy of the commissioners heading the new districts. On 25
April 1992, the general assembly held in Magyarkanizsa adopted, in spite of
the psychological pressure and incitement it was subjected to, the Hungarian
proposal for autonomy drafted on the basis of the Carrington document, which
united elements of the personal and territorial principles and of the local
self-governments.
During the 1991 to 1994 period, the activities of VMDK’s
leading bodies, district organizations, and membership focused on the
political struggle against forced conscription of Hungarians into the Yugoslav
army and on how to counteract its consequences. VMDK stressed in a series of
documents that ethnic Hungarians living in Voivodina were drafted and sent to
the combat zones in numbers far exceeding their proportion of the population.
VMDK was one of the decisive initiators of the peace movement. From the end of
1992, beginning with the attempt to resettle in Voivodina the first groups of
Serbian refugees who had fled from Bosnia and Croatia, the focus of VMDK’s
activity shifted toward the struggle against the alteration by force of the
ethnic composition of Voivodina. In countless letters to the United Nations,
the European Union, the European Parliament, the then Conference on Security
and Cooperation in Europe and most of all to the Chairman of the Yugoslavia
Conference, VMDK asked these organizations to also pay attention to the
rightful aspirations of the Hungarians in Voivodina in the course of their
efforts to settle the Yugoslav conflict.
VMDK achieved its greatest success in the December 1992
elections when nearly 300 of its candidates gained mandates. It was able to
send three deputies to the federal parliament, nine to the parliament of the
Serbian Republic, and 17 to the provincial assembly of Voivodina. VMDK also
obtained the majority of seats in the self-government representative bodies in
dominantly Hungarian-inhabited districts, and had six elected mayors.
On 16 January 1993, the first meeting of the Hungarian
parliamentary deputies and councillors was held under the name of Minority
Parliament, at which the participants once again came out in support of
autonomy for ethnic Hungarians. A communiqué regarding autonomy issued in Ada
by VMDK’s Presidium on 13 February 1993 stated that „VMDK does not know any
compromise and the possibility of its cooperation with other parties as well
as its assessment of individual political attitudes and declarations are
dependent on this issue”. The majority of the representatives were in
agreement with VMDK’s demands but could imagine their realization only in
conformity with and the observance of the laws of the country. The differences
between the VMDK’s top leadership and the self-governments with a Hungarian
majority, and the split within the VMKD are believed by some to have started
at that time.
In 1993, the year when the very existence of the Hungarians
living in Voivodina was endangered, the organization was faced with a new
challenge. Given the fact that an important segment of Voivodina’s Hungarians
were already in need of assistance, VMDK founded with help from Hungary the
Vox Humana Benevolent Organization. Part of the collected humanitarian aid
failed to reach its destination, and differences arose between the
organization’s leaders in connection with the aid from Hungary. As a result,
VMDK, now under internal and external pressure, gained only five seats in the
early parliamentary elections of 1993. However, it reinforced its position in
the self-governments of localities with a Hungarian majority with seven mayors
and the same number of self-governments in which Hungarians held a majority.
Later on, VMDK was unable to fulfill the demands of its
followers and to withstand the pressure exerted upon it by the Hungarians
living in Voivodina, which resulted on the one hand in the gradual loss of the
party’s popularity and the loss of deputy seats at various levels, and on the
other hand in the two-way split of the party. The 27 March 1994 general
assembly to reelect officials held in Zenta rejected the establishment of
platforms and by amending the statutes, it eliminated the possibility of
collective membership of the organizations. Vice chairman Sándor Hódi, accused
of financial malpractice, was replaced by Dr. Sándor Páll. In March, 1995, the
general assembly held in Szabadka adopted a draft proposal for autonomy,
updated with the collaboration of experts from Hungary, whose focus shifted
toward personal self-government. At the same time, by amending its statutes,
VMDK expelled 75 of its members who had accepted to hold office in the
Alliance of Hungarians in Voivodina (VMSZ), which had come in the meantime
into existence. In the 1996 elections, VMDK was no longer able to gain seats
in the federal and republic parliaments, and achieved only modest results in
the local elections as compared to the previous ones. Following the
unsuccessful election results, the general assembly held in Becse in December
1996 dismissed the entire VMDK presidium and elected Dr. Sándor Páll as the
new chairman. The general assembly also laid down in a resolution that the
VMKD would return to the „Doroszló principles” and the party’s original
concept for autonomy.
Dismissed chairman András Ágoston set up in February 1997 in
Szenttamás (Srbobran) a new party, the Hungarian Democratic Party of
Voivodina, with 130 members, and said he continued to consider himself the
spiritual heir of VMDK. The establishment of personal self-government for
Voivodina’s ethnic Hungarians remains at the center of his efforts. His
objectives include proportional representation for Hungarians in Voivodina and
the granting of dual citizenship.
A small group of people disillusioned with the policy of VMDK
founded in January 1997 the Hungarian Christian-Democratic Movement in
Voivodina (VMKM) and elected Ferenc Papp as chairman. The party intends to
function as a family-oriented, practical party open toward every
well-intentioned initiative and organization. At its meeting on 1 August 1998,
its presidium adopted an autonomy concept entitled „draft self-government
system for Hungarians in Voivodina”.
Since VMDK’s general assembly to reelect officials, held in
March 1994 in Zenta, rejected the possibility of establishing platforms within
the party, those opposed to the decision founded on 17 June 1994 – also in
Zenta – a new Hungarian interest protection organization, the Alliance of
Hungarians in Voivodina (VMSZ). They elected as chairman Ferenc Csubela, who
had earlier become very popular as a parliamentary deputy by defending young
Hungarians in Bácskossuthfalva (Ómoravica) against forced conscription and
deportation. With several others, he had organized a peace movement in
northern Bácska.
VMSZ members had themselves registered as a civil association
and intended to remain an umbrella organization. By referring to the VMDK
statutes which said that membership was compatible with being a member in
another party, they did not resign from the VMDK. Following the establishment
of VMSZ, three of the five Hungarian deputies in the parliament of the Serbian
Republic, 13 of the 18 deputies in the provincial assembly, and seven local
councilors in self-governments with a Hungarian majority, along with the
mayors, became either VMSZ members or sympathizers.
The general assembly held on 17 June 1995 declared VMSZ,
which until then had functioned as an association, to be a political interest
protection organization. In this spirit, it adopted the party’s statutes and a
program entitled „Remaining here as Hungarians”. Following the tragic
death of Ferenc Csubela, József Kasza, deputy in the parliament of the Serbian
Republic and mayor of Szabadka, took over the leadership of VMSZ beginning
December 1995. In January 1996, at his suggestion, the VMSZ council, followed
by the general assembly on 11 September 1996, adopted a concept for autonomy
entitled „Draft Agreement on the Foundations of Self-Organization for
Hungarians in Voivodina” which, like VMDK’s concept, was built on three
pillars.
All elected Hungarian deputies in the Federal Parliament (3)
and in the Parliament of the Serbian Republic (4) have become members of VMSZ.
Only three of the 14 Hungarian deputies in the Provincial Assembly of
Voivodina have been elected as representatives of other ethnic Hungarian
organizations. The office of one of the Deputy Speakers of the Parliament of
the Serbian Republic was filled in fall 1997 by István Ispanovics, a VMSZ
deputy. The organization also gained significant representation in the seven
Hungarian self-governments in northern Voivodina.
In the second half of 1997, VMSZ experts prepared a study
entitled „Certain Issues Regarding the Situation of the Hungarian National
Community in Voivodina”, which they forwarded to President Slobodan
Milošević. Afterwards, the President of the Yugoslav Federation twice received
a VMSZ delegation, on 27 December 1997 and 20 January 1998, respectively. As a
result of the talks with President Milošević, the authorities gave free way to
the reopening of the teachers’ training college in Szabadka, starting with the
1998/1999 academic year. Also thanks to the discussions carried out by VMSZ,
the Minority Council of the Province of Voivodina was established on 10 July
1998 as a body with consultative and proposal-making spheres of competence
functioning alongside the Provincial Executive Council.
On 22 September 1998, VMSZ addressed a Memorandum to the
Liaison Group, requesting it to also examine the situation of the Hungarian
minority living in Serbia at the same time as seeking a solution to the Kosovo
crisis. In December 1998, VMSZ worked out on the model of the Hill-Milutinović
autonomy plan for Kosovo its concept entitled Draft Agreement on the
Political Framework of Self-Government in Voivodina. It would provide the
opportunity to all national minorities living on the territory of Voivodina,
including Hungarians, to resolve the political and legal framework of their
own self-governments. Next to restoring the autonomy of the province of
Voivodina, the concept also promotes personal and territorial autonomy for
Hungarians by means of an agreement with the government.
Despite its successes, VMSZ itself split further. On 4 July
1997, Gábor Tóth Horti had one of the party’s platforms, the Christian
Democratic Grouping (KDT), registered as an independent party. Even though KDT
declared that it remained a member of VMSZ, the latter found this move
incomprehensible and dismissed Tóth Horti and two of his associates from their
leading posts in the VMSZ. Tóth Horti was also removed from his office as
mayor of Zenta.
As can be seen, every ethnic Hungarian interest protection
organization in Voivodina mentioned until now was born from VMDK. The only
exception is the Hungarian Civic Movement in Voivodina (VMPM), a political
organization founded in 1995 and headed by József Böröc, which has only a few
hundred members.
Hungarian political life in Voivodina is bipolar: VMSZ, VMDK
(the two organizations signed a cooperation agreement on 28 May 1999), and
VMPM constitute one of the poles while VMDP and the two Christian Democratic
organizations allied with it form the other pole.
The autonomy concepts of the Hungarian organizations in
Voivodina are based on a common value system and an identical perception of
state and law. They also envisage the same objective, namely to secure the
collective rights of the Hungarian national minority within an institutional
framework, in conformity with European norms and the practices of the
developed European democracies. According to the cooperation agreement signed
on 28 May 1999 by VMDK and VMSZ, the two organizations will jointly work out
and represent their ideas concerning the autonomy of the ethnic Hungarians in
Voivodina. VMDP also participated in harmonization meetings of experts held in
May and June 1999. The final version of the autonomy concept for Voivodina’s
Hungarians was completed by July with the participation of experts from
Hungary. The document entitled „Agreement on the Political and Legal
Frameworks of the Self-Government of Voivodina and the National Communities of
Voivodina” (July 5, 1999) puts the emphasis on the restoration of the
provincial autonomy of Voivodina on the basis of an agreement with the
government. The concept contains three forms of autonomy: personal
self-government, territorial self-government, and provincial autonomy for
Voivodina.
Representatives of VMSZ, VMDK and VMPM set up on 20 August
1999 the Provisional Hungarian National Council. Its members include
the Hungarian parties’ federal, republic, and provincial parliamentary
deputies, as well as one-fifth of the Hungarian local self-government
representatives in proportion to their party affiliation.
The National Council has been sharply attacked by the Serbian
nationalist and leftist parties in power which groundlessly see it as the
first step toward separation.
5. ECONOMY
Serbia plays a dominant role in the economic life of the
state formation created after the demise of Yugoslavia, in part due to its
inherited economic potential and to a greater extent because of its bigger
population, i.e. market. As a result of the Yugoslav conflict, the country’s
U.N. membership was suspended and starting 2 June 1992, economic sanctions
were imposed on Yugoslavia. For this reason, it has not been able to this day
to regularize its membership in the IMF, the World Bank, and GATT, and it
cannot join the WTO either. Following the fulfillment of the conditions of the
Dayton Agreement, the sanctions have been relaxed but this process has stopped
because of frauds at the 1996 local government elections and other reasons.
Beginning spring 1998, as a result of the well-known events in Kosovo, the
strictest economic sanctions have been put into effect against Serbia. Because
of the political instability and tensions lasting to this day, confidence on
the part of foreign capital and of international organizations has not been
restored.
The economy of the Yugoslav Federal Republic has been
completely disrupted as a result of the incessant wars going on since 1991 and
according to official estimates, it will take at least 20 years to put it back
on its feet. The country’s industrial production fell back to about 40 percent
of its 1990 level, and the monetary system fell apart as a result of
hyper-inflation. The gradually increasing trade deficit is covered by the
continually shrinking reserves of the enterprises and population. Assistance
to the some two million unemployed, to whom must be added approximately
600,000 refugees and some 550,000 to 600,000 people on forced holiday,
represents a burden that exceeds the resources of the country. The two milion
unemployed (40 percent of those able to work are jobless) represent 20 percent
of the population. The underground or black economy’s share in all economic
activities is close to 40 to 45 percent.
The steps taken from 1994 on to stabilize the economy
economic have been hindered to a large extent by the country’s dire lack of
domestic and foreign capital. It has been calculated that capital in the
amount to $20 to $22 million would be immediately needed to revive the healthy
dynamism of the economy. Another important condition would be to normalize
relations with the neighboring countries, especially with the former republics
of Yugoslavia (assets and debt sharing issues, regaining of markets).
Under present conditions, Voivodina’s situation within
Yugoslavia has been upgraded. However, as a result of increasing
centralization, nine-tenths of the income produced in Voivodina, a province
traditionally considered a donor region, has been taken away from it. The
Milošević regime has eliminated the so-called nationality quota system applied
in Tito’s Yugoslavia, which ensured proportional representation in social,
cultural, and economic life to persons belonging to a national minority.
However, the emphasis on the exclusiveness of professsional suitability in
practice pushed the representatives of the nationalities to the periphery of
public and social life. As a result, Hungarians are today heavily
underrepresented, even in areas with a compact Hungarian population, among the
managers of state enterprises. Discrimination on the basis of nationality is
applied in the selection process.
The consequences of the war crisis lasting since 1991 have
resulted in an extremely severe setback to the existential situation of the
Hungarians living in Voivodina. Discriminatory measures in the economic field,
for example in taxation and purchasing, have gravely hurt agriculture. They
particularly hit the rural Hungarian population which has used up a major part
of its reserves because of the low prices for produce, obsolete agricultural
machinery and the constantly increasing production costs, and the
quasi-permanent lack of fuel. There is a serious shortage of capital in the
traditionally producing areas, such as agriculture and food industry. The
state does not provide any assistance to local enterprises and has even
excluded the Hungarian-inhabited areas of Central Bácska from its development
plans. Priority is given at their expense to the newly established settlements
along the Danube and in northern Bánát. The launching of enterprises is also
made difficult by the fact that a large number of those potentially able to do
it are leaving the country. The Centers for Enterprise Development in Szabadka
and Topolya are seeking to provide assistance to Voivodina’s Hungarian
entrepreneurs. Privatization has started only recently, and preparations to
transfer common-property productive land into Serbian hands have been made.
6. CIVIC SOCIETY
After 1945, the situation in Voivodina seemingly took a
favorable turn and a series of cultural associations, groups and societies
were established. On 10 May 1945, the Community of Hungarian Public Culture
was founded in Nagybecskerek (Zrenjanin), and on 22 June the Cultural
Federation of Hungarians in Voivodina was established with its
headquarters in Szabadka. The latter organization remains to this day the most
important institution of Vovodina’s Hungarians and embraces every field of
cultural life. At the general assembly convened in January 1947, which
mobilized all of Yugoslavia’s Hungarians, the Federation elected its Cultural
Board and specialized committees, and designated the focal centers of its
cultural associations. Within a short period of time, the Federation succeded
in organizing 62 associations and the specialized committees functioned
successfully as well. A priority area in its activities was the so-called
literacy movement. It set up 12 travelling libraries which visited the farming
centers located in their respective districts. It was also decided to
establish a Hungarian ethnographic museum, but the setting up of the
institution could not take place even though it was very much needed (and
remains so today) by the Hungarians in Voivodina. Ethnic Serbian leaders of
the ruling Communist Party increasingly made strong objections to a centrally
directed Hungarian social and cultural life.
The opportunity to eliminate the Cultural Federation was
provided by the measures against the Information Office in 1948. Party members
active in the presidium, board, and specialized committees were forced to make
statements by means of very harsh measures. A great many of the active
cultural workers were deported to the ill-famed concentration camp on Goli
Otok island, while the remaining party members were forced to liquidate „on a
voluntary basis” the Cultural Federation. In the meantime, the Communist Party
organization of Voivodina established in summer 1948 the multi-ethnic
Community of Public Culture in Voivodina with its seat in Újvidék, and
within it the successor of the Cultural Federation, the Hungarian Section
of the Community of the Public Culture. This section took over the
Federation’s assets and archives as well as the direction of its until then
successfully functioning central and local branches. From then on, instead of
the nurturing of the Hungarian cultural heritage within the Hungarian cultural
associations, the emphasis was placed on bilingual cultural activities, while
bilinguism and the preservation of the Hungarian cultural heritage were out of
question in Serbian associations. Due to these measures and the hostile
environment, the cultural associations lost their membership and disappeared
in Bánát, Szerémség and South Bácska.
The Hungarian Language-Cultivating Association in
Voivodina, founded in 1964, underwent similar ordeals and was able to set
up its specialized committees and local organizations only after 1968. In
1970, it organized in Ada the Gábor Szarvas Language Cultivating Days. The
Újvidék-based daily Magyar Szó launched a new supplement entitled
Language Cultivator. It also prepared the Yugoslav appendix of the
Hungarian orthographic rules, and took part in the writing of the draft bill
on language use in Voivodina. In 1971, under the accusation of nationalism, an
overt political attack was launched against the Association’s leaders,
primarily those in Szabadka, which resulted in the weakening of the activities
of the organization. After proper neutralization, the association was
reorganized.
Since the beginning the 1990s, besides political
organizations, Hungarian professional organizations have been established one
after the other. In contrast to the practice followed in Hungary, however,
they do not receive central state subsidies and can rely at best on the
financial support of some self-governments, foundations in Hungary, and
various other sources.
The Cultural Alliance of Hungarian in Voivodina
(VMMSZ), established on 11 July 1992 in Szenttamás, set forth as its goal the
preservation of the heritage of the once so important Cultural Federation
of Hungarians in Voivodina. The Alliance, which presently has 75 member
organizations and some 10,000 members, coordinates the activities of the
various cultural associations and voluntary artistic groups. It also plays an
important role in the training of cultural experts such as folk dance and
music instructors, and in the organization of cultural events. For example, it
initiated the reopening of the Hungarian Festive Games in Voivodina, and of
the Review of the Hungarian Cultural Associations in southern Bánát. It
organizes the Hungarian Amateur Theatre Company in Voivodina, and has since
1999 organized such tradition-nurturing reviews as Gyöngyösbokréta and
Durindó. It was also the iniator and co-organizer of the Roundtable
Talks of Tóthfalu and the First Hungarian Intellectual Forum in Voivodina to
promote a meeting-place to discuss the differing views to be found among the
various streams of Hungarian intellectuals. At the initiative of VMMSZ, the
Foundation for Hungarian Culture in Budapest launched a series of programs, to
be organized annually, entitled „The Introduction of Regions” whose aim
is to present Hungarian cultural life in the neighboring countries. Károly
Dudás is chairman of VMMSZ.
Among the cultural associations that are important for the
entire Hungarian community in Voivodina figure (the list is not complete) the
Folk Circle in Szabadka, the Civic Club Sándor Petőfi Cultural Association in
Zombor, the Petőfi Cultural Associations in Újvidék and Nagybecskerek, the
Zoltán Kodály Cultural Association in Topolya, and the Lajos Thurzó Center for
Public Culture in Zenta.
The literary and artistic gatherings called Életjel,
started in 1958 in the reading room of the Municipal Library of Szabadka,
ultimately grew into a literary movement. Important events in the cultural
life of Hungarians in Voivodina are: Gyöngyösbokréta, the rally of the
Hungarian folk dance groups; Durindó; the Artistic Contest of High
School Students; and the Tisza Festive Games of Kanizsa, where
amateur theatrical groups from the Tisza region and northern Bácska meet
annually. From the perspective of the Hungarians living in scattered
communities, the Review of Hungarian Cultural Associations in South
Bánát, which was eliminated by the authorities then relaunched by VMMSZ,
is of major importance.
The Hungarian ethnic community in Voivodina continues to
preserve to this day the memory of its „literate” forbearers, which is
evidenced by the regular visits to literary places of pilgrimage, and by such
events as the annual Writers’ Camp in Kanizsa, the Szenteleky Days, the Imre
Csépe Memorial Days, the Kosztolányi Days, the Károly Szirmai Memorial Day,
and the Ferenc Fehér Memorial Day.
The Association of Hungarian Teachers in Voivodina
(VMPE), chaired by Margit Nagy, was established in 1993 as a professional
organization independent from all parties. Its objectives include the
organization, assistance, and upgrading of Hungarian-language education.
Jointly with Radio Újvidék, it organizes annually a folk music competition and
a folkdance and game contest for children. In order to develop native-language
education, VMPE closely cooperates with the Hungarian methodology centers,
student aid associations, and the Hungarian Text Book Council in Voivodina
with its seat in Újvidék. Also active are the independently registered
Association of Teachers in North Bácska, headquartered in Szabadka, and
the Erzsébet Börcsök Methodological Center, located in Pancsova, which
supports educational issues affecting Hungarians living in scattered
communities in southern Bánát.
The Hungarian Health Society in Voivodina groups the
physicians. The Alliance of Farmers’ Circle in Voivodina was
established as a result of inspirations from Hungary. Those working in the
field of printed and electronic press established the Hungarian Media
Society in Voivodina, while the professsional and literary writers, book
and newspaper publishers have set up the Association of Hungarian
Publishers in Voivodina. In addition to the Yugoslav National Council
of the World Federation of Hungarians (MVSZ JOT), Voivodina’s Pax
Romana, and the scout movement, the independent efforts of Voivodina’s
Hungarian youth organizations (VMISZ, VIFÓ, VaMaDisz) also deserve
mention.
7. EDUCATION
The rights of Voivodina’s national minorities in the field of
education are regulated by the laws on education of the Serbian Republic.
Before the Serbian Republic terminated the legislative authority of the
provinces of Kosovo and Voivodina, public education together with native
language education for national minorities were regulated by provincial laws.
The four Serbian laws regulating education are the „law on primary school”,
the „law on high school”, the „law on college” and the „law on
university”.
The provisions of the laws on education on the one hand grant
a very broad decision-making authority to school principals and on the other
hand place their appointment entirely under the authority of the Ministry of
Education. School boards, which are also appointed by the ministry, may only
make recommendations regarding the person of the school principal. The
above-mentioned measures do not leave any voice, even at the consultative
level, for the representatives of national minority organizations, including
village and city self-governments, with regard to the appointment or
dismisssal of school principals. As a result, principals represent the policy
of the ministry and do not (cannot) pay attention to any other interests. This
centralization, unique under European conditions, totally deprives national
minorities of every form of self-administration in the field of native
language education. It excludes them from the decision-making process in a
field which is perhaps the most important from the viewpoint of their
survival. The Ministry of Education has the exclusive right to prepare the
curricula and education programs, and the representatives of national
minorities and their professsional organizations have absolutely no right of
say in the processs, not even on a consultative basis.
The education laws grant a broad range of rights to school
principals, including independent decision-making authority regarding the
hiring and dismissal of teachers, the organization of instruction, etc. Under
the circumstances of the above-mentioned total centralization, the arbitrary
decision made by a few principals resulted in the fact that in numerous
schools, also in towns where ethnic groups constitute the majority, students
in the minority-language classes are taught most of the subjects in the
Serbian language. Five years ago, the teaching of even a single subject in
Serbian in a minority-language class was the exception.
The laws on primary school (Sections 129 and 133), on high
school (Sections 99 and 100) and on university (Sections 47 and 48) prescribe
that in minority-language classes, bilingual official documents, diplomas and
report cards be issued to the students (that is in Serbian and in the given
minority language). Furthermore, the official records of the school must also
be bilingual if the instruction in that school takes place in the minority
language. Whoever violates this provision is subject to a fine.
While the sections of the laws on elementary and secondary
school applying to minorities – with the exception of the provisions covering
school principals – do not represent a setback in comparison with the
abrogated education law of Voivodina, the new Serbian laws on higher education
have shrunk the rights of national minorities. In colleges and universities,
instruction in national minority languages may be organized only with the
approval of the Serbian government.
The provision of the law on university is a step backward in
comparison with the abrogated Serbian law of 1990, whose Section 43 stipulated
that it was mandatory in Voivodina to organize instruction in the national
minority language if at least 30 students requested it. The same stipultion
was present in Section 21 of the similarly abrogated unified education law of
Voivodina. The Serbian laws on higher education adopted in 1992 also limited
the rights of the national minorities because, unlike the previous laws, they
do not allow entrance examinations in the minority languages if no instruction
in those languages takes place in the given institution.
As a result of the above-mentioned restrictions and of the
centralizing school laws as well as the emigration due to the war, the number
of Hungarian classes and the enrollment of students therein have significantly
decreased in Voivodina. According to official reports, there is a drop in the
number of native-language students at every level of instruction. For example,
while 30,564 elementary school students of Hungarian nationality studied in
Hungarian-language classes in 1978, only 26,000 Hungarian students were able
to study in 1993 in their native tongue at every level of education.
In the 1996/1997 school year, Hungarian-language instruction
at the primary school level was given in 29 localities in Voivodina, in 83
primary schools and 35 branch sections. This represented a total of 22,062
students in 1,042 classes. Compared to the previous school year, the number of
elementary school students receiving instruction in the Hungarian language
decreased by 5,669 (2.52%) while the number of classes dropped by 18. The
biggest numerical decrease occured in northern Voivodina localities: the
number of registered students dropped by 143 in Zenta, 78 in Topolya, 70 in
Zombor, and 63 in Törökkanizsa. Hungarian-language elementary school
instruction for adults was provided in two schools, in Szabadka and Zombor,
with 92 participants in a total of eight classes.
Also in the 1996/1997 school year, a total of 5,726 Hungarian
students were enrolled in Serbian classes at the primary level, of whom 1,663
(29.04%) studied the Hungarian together with 579 non-Hungarian students.
Bilingual instruction in the Serbian and the Hungarian languages was given in
four localities and in four music schools, with a total of 435 students, 296
of them ethnic Hungarians, taking part in this type of education.
The situation at the level of secondary education is cause
for much greater concern. In the 1996/1997 school year, there were a total of
9,466 ethnic Hungarian high school students in 13 localities in Voivodina.
6,362 of them (67.21%) completed their studies in Hungarian-language classes
and 3,104 students (32.79%) in Serbian-language ones. Compared to the previous
school year, the number of students dropped by 37 and the number of classes by
two. Vocational instruction, in most cases not entirely in Hungarian, is
provided in vocational and trade schools. In the early 1990s, the available
vocational subjects included mechanical engineering, electrical engineering,
transportation, agriculture, forestry, wood processsing, textile and leather
industry, chemical industry, graphics, health, architecture, economics, and
commerce. However, it was not always possible to fill the ever-diminishing
quota numbers because of the unfavorable location of the educational
institutions (they were located on purpose in dominantly Serbian-inhabited
areas) and growing impoverishment. According to unofficial data, more than 500
high school students enrolled in 1999 in high schools in Hungary.
In the 1996/1997 academic year, a total of 5,080 college and
university students were enrolled in Voivodina, of whom 550 (10.83%) were
ethnic Hungarians. In the teachers’ training colleges of Újvidék and Szabadka
and the Technical College located in Szabadka, a total of 307 ethnic Hungarian
students received Hungarian-language education. In the same academic year,
22,808 students attended the University of Újvidék, of whom 1,296 (5.68%) were
ethnic Hungarians. A total of 92 students were enrolled in the four classes of
the Hungarian Faculty of the University of Újvidék. In the Faculty of
Economics of the University of Szabadka, 168 ethnic Hungarian students
continued their studies, with the instruction partly conducted in Hungarian (a
total of five subjects were available in Hungarian in the first academic year
and one in the second year). In the Faculty of Architecture of the University
of Szabadka, 55 students took part in Hungarian-language education (in
addition to the five subjects available in the first year, an additional two
in the second year were taught in Hungarian). At the Academy of Performing
Arts of Újvidék, the 12 ethnic Hungarian students enrolled in the
Hungarian-language theatrical group could study four subjects in their native
language. In the Teachers Training College of Zombor, 54 students, 39 of them
ethnic Hungarians, enrolled in the Hungarian language section and received
instruction in nine subjects in the Hungarian language.
There is no independent Hungarian-language higher educational
institution in Voivodina. Although the legal framework and personnel
conditions were available in the early 1980s to commence an entirely
Hungarian-language academic year at the faculty of liberal arts of the
University of Újvidék, the implementation of this initiative was made
impossible. The Association of Hungarian Teachers in Voivodina, later joined
by VMSZ and Szabadka’s self-government, held talks about the opening of a
branch department in Szabadka of the Attila József University of Szeged,
Hungary. In February 1996, the Budapest-based University of Horticulture and
Food Industry opened a consultation center in Zenta. Since the same year, the
corresponding course consultation center of the Dénes Gábor College of
Technology was opened in Szabadka. In 1997, the authorities made an attempt to
hinder the functioning of both consultation centers.
The training of Hungarian-language teachers – from
kindergarten to high schools teachers – took place between 1946 and 1959 in
the Hungarian Department of the Teachers Training College of Újvidék, and
afterwards in the Hungarian Department of the Faculty of Liberal Arts of
Újvidék University and in the Pedagogic Academies of Újvidék and Szabadka. In
1993, Hungarian teachers training was discontinued in Újvidék and Szabadka,
which led to the total liquidation of the relevant institutions. In their
place, a Hungarian class was started in a Serbian environment at the
University of Zombor, but without full instruction in the Hungarian language.
Only during the last university year are certain special subjects taught in
Hungarian, without any opportunity to practice Hungarian-language instruction
in schools of the city. The talks between VMSZ and President Milošević in
September 1998 resulted in the reopening of the Teachers Training College in
Szabadka, not as an independent institution but as a branch section of the
Teachers Training Department of the University of Zombor. Until the beginning
of the 1990s, some 140 primary school and 430 high school teachers graduated
from the Faculty of Hungarian Language and Literature of the University of
Újvidék (since the end of the 1970s, a considerable number of students also
earned qualifications as librarians and translators). 42 students earned
masters degrees and another 25 students were awarded the title of doctor of
philosophy. In the 1993/1994 academic year, only 16 students applied for the
program, compared to 45 regular students during the 1976/1977 academic year,
considered the best year ever. Advanced training for teachers is organized by
various institutions in Hungary and the Association of Hungarian Teachers in
Voivodina. In this field, the fact that Voivodina has no schools inspectors
for Hungarian language and literature is a cause for serious concern. There is
only one ethnic Hungarian inspector in the whole of Voivodina. Moreover, the
inspector’s work has lost its purpose of assisting teachers.
Due to the atrophying of Hungarian teachers training and the
emigration in the early 1990s, there is a severe shortage of Hungarian
teachers in Voivodina. Research conducted by the Hungarological Scientific
Society revealed that in 1998, there was a shortage of 195 teachers in
Voivodina’s primary schools and that 60 teachers were to retire in the next
four years. The shortage of primary school teachers is felt only in the
scattered ethnic Hungarian communities. Even though the number of high school
teachers has increased, the number of teachers without or with inadequate
qualifications also rose. The situation is only aggravated if one looks at the
high number of high school teachers (32) eligible for retirement. Serbian laws
do not allow for the employment of visiting teachers from Hungary or the
establishment of off-campus branches of Hungarian universities. Moreover,
problems with the certification of their diplomas hinder returning Voivodina
teachers who graduated in Hungary to begin to teach in the province.
The most acute problem of the very poorly financed
educational institutions is the lack of native-language books and text-books.
Since the end of the 1980s the Text Book Publishing Institute in Újvidék has
discontinued the printing of primary and high school text-books, study aids,
and mandatory reading materials in the five languages (including Hungarian)
officially recognized in the province. The authorities make it pratically
impossible to use text-books from Hungary (while Hungary does not hinder the
import and use of Serbian-language text-books and other literary works). To
overcome these difficulties, educational booklets instead of text-books,
written by local authors, have been published first by the Hungarian-language
weekly Családi Kör (Family Circle), then from 1995 on by the Hungarian
Text Book Council of Voivodina.
Hungarian-language foundation-sponsored schools and private
schools do not function in Voivodina. The only church-owned high school is the
Paulinum in Szabadka, which trains Roman Catholic seminarists in the Croatian
language.
In the past decade, despite countless surveys, meetings, and
discussions all aimed at establishing an independent Hungarian educational
institutional network in Voivodina, it has not been possible to achieve any
noteworthy progress in that direction.
8. CULTURE AND SCIENCE
As an outstanding event of ethnic Hungarian intellectual life
in Voivodina, the first Hungarian theatre was established in Szabadka on 29
October 1945. Its performances have reached remote places where not even
amateur artists had played before. In 1950, the Hungarian People’s Theatre was
established in Topolya, followed in 1953 by the Hungarian Company in
Nagybecskerek, which revived Hungarian amateur theatre culture in the Bánát
region. Authorities closed down the Hungarian Theatre in Zombor two years
after its foundation in 1953 under the pretext that the town’s Hungarian
population was less than 5,000.
By 1960 only one theatre remained for Voivodina’s Hungarians,
the People’s Theatre in Szabadka. However, since the end of 1950s, the
authorities did their best to keep true cultural values away even from the
theatre. From the second half of the 1960s, ethnic Hungarian directors led by
Mihály Virágh and excellent actors brought on the stage the works of universal
Hungarian culture. The dramas Áfonyák (Cranberries) and Légszomj
(Breathlessness) by Voivodina’s Ferenc Deák were performed in 1969 and
1971, respectively. The latter play deals with the plight of the Hungarians as
a minority in Voivodina. The Hungarian theatre in Szabadka received several
high commendations. After the death of Mihály Virágh, the theatre lost some of
its earlier standards. But the real downfall of the company and of the entire
theatre began in 1985 with the appointment as director of Ljubiša Ristić, an
ethnic Serbian who enjoyed the full support of the then leadership of the
province. The theatre was taken away from the Hungarians under the pretext
that „a purely ethnic theatre was harmful to the health of the
minority”. In 1990, a petition calling for the return of the theatre
through court proceedings gathered 20,209 signatures, demonstrating the ethnic
Hungarians’ desire and right to have in Szabadka a theatre on the basis of
their rich cultural and historical traditions. The authorities, however,
rejected the request while Ristic labelled as fascists the ethnic Hungarians
asking for the return of their native-language theatre. The actors who had to
leave their theater scattered, then later began and continued to perform in
the Dezső Kosztolányi Theatre. A few years ago, it became possible for the
People’s Theatre in Szabadka to function as a Hungarian company under the
leadership of Frigyes Kovács. The Kosztolányi Theater led by Ferenc Péter has
maintained its independence, and together with the children’s theatre of
Szabadka led by Valéria Ágoston Pribilla, has provided the ethnic Hungarians
in northern Voivodina with native-language theatrical performances.
In 1973, the Újvidék Theatre was founded and performed at its
inauguration István Örkény’s tragicomedy Macskajáték (Cat Game). A very
important aspect of the founding of the theatre was the fact that it enriched
Yugoslavia’s Hungarians with modern culture that differed from the one offered
by the Szabadka theatre. Between 1978 and 1981, the theatre lived through its
golden age thanks to the directorship of the Transylvanian-born György Harag,
who won fame not only through his staging but also for setting up a permanent
company and shaping its true character. By the 10th anniversary of
its existence, the theatre was recognized at last as an independent company
and was given its own building (which the self-government of Újvidék under the
leadership of the extremist Serbian Radical Party wanted to take away in
1994). After the wrecking of the theatre in Szabadka, the Újvidék theatre also
had to assume the role of traveling theatre.
The most original initiative of Voivodina’s Hungarian
theatrical life was the establishment in 1978 of a summer company by the name
of Tanyaszínház (Farm Theatre), which entertained with the once very
popular forms of folk and fair theatre the Hungarian settlements and most
remote farms in Bácska. Year after year, the company of young actors was able
to renew itself and toured not only the Bácska countryside but also the
Drávaszög and Muravidék regions, and even Hungary. However, its activity came
to a halt after the outbreak of the war in 1991, primarily because of a lack
of funds. The Amateur Theatre in Kanizsa also deserves to be mentioned
here.
The Hungarian motion picture industry in Voivodina
began in the early 1970s. The first feature film entitled Parlag (Fallow),
based on Ferenc Deák’s screenpaly, was directed by Károly Vicsek of
Újvidék and received the award for best directing in 1974 at the Film
Festivals in Pula and San Remo. In 1979, the same twosome was awarded the
grand prize of the Pula Festival, the Golden Arena, for its film entitled
Trophy. In 1982, however at the press conference presenting the film
Sunset, directed by Károly Vicsek and Nándor Gion, a few Serbian film
producers from Belgrade declared that the motion picture industry in Voivodina
must be brought under the supervision of Belgrade and had to be cleansed of
its rural character and its particular (Hungarian) folkloric elements. Between
1977 and 1990, eleven Hungarian television plays were prepared and showed on
Újvidék Television, most of them directed by Károly Vicsek.
At the initiative of Zoltán Siflis, the first independent
film workshop in Voivodina was established in 1986 under the name of
Creative Video Workshop of Topolya. Its creators dealt primarily with
themes that analyzed the collective or individual ordeals of the Hungarians
who had become a minority in Voivodina, topics which had been taboo in
previous years. Of the 30 films made by the Workshop, the following
ones deserve mention: Zoltán Siflis’ Rough Times (1987) about the
post-World War II compulsory deliveries; Inhabitants of Gádor (1988)
directed by Károly Dudás and Zoltán Siflis about the fate of the people living
in hovels in the Drávaszög region; An Inquisition (1988), directed by
Béla Csorba and Zoltán Siflis about the ill-famed organ affair in Horgos and
the ordeal of several teachers in Kanizsa; Our Unburied Deads
(1989–1990), made by Zoltán Siflis, Márta Blaskó, Béla Csorba, Károly
Dudás and Márton Matuska the atrocities committed in 1944-1945 against the
ethnic Hungarians of Voivodina; and Red (1991) made by Magda Szemerédi,
Artúr Hoffman and Imre Póth and which shows documents about the the
liquidation of Hungarian schools in areas with scattered Hungarian
communities.
After 1945, the organization of Hungarian-language book
publishing and dissemination became the responsibility of the Federation of
Hungarian Culture in Voivodina and later of its successor, the Hungarian
Section of the Hungarian Cultural Associations of Yugoslavia’s Voivodina
Federation. The Federation initiated the establishment of the Híd
Könyvkiadó Vállalat (Bridge Publishing House), which, next to the
Fraternity-Unity Book and Journal Publishing House set up in 1951, was at that
time the sole publisher of Hungarian-language books. After the
Fraternity-Unity Publishing House faced a crisis in 1955–1956, the Forum
Publishing House was founded in 1957 and provided with the most modern
typographical equipment. Yugoslavia’s first multi-color offset rotary printing
press was installed there. This explains why the Forum Publishing House became
one of the most important and at the same time the most controversial
institution of Voivodina’s Hungarians. Between 1957 and 1991, it published
1,729 book titles, among them the most important works dealing with Hungarian
literature, social sciences, and ethnography in Yugoslavia. By the early
1990s, the consequences of the war-induced crisis also reached the Forum House
and its situation became even worse as the publishe lost its influence over
the printing house and its independent legal status within the Forum House.
Today, the book publishing house is formally a state enterprise and shares the
fate of the other state-owned minority institutions as a result of the Serbian
state’s restrictive policy. The survival of the printing house has been made
possible only because of the financial support given by Hungary.
After 1973, the so-called Életjel (Sign of Life) books
published by the Workers’ University of Szabadka played an important role in
filling this gap. Since its inception, the Research Institute for Hungarian
Language, Literature and Hungarology contributed with nearly 220
publications to the dissemination of works on Hungarian literature,
linguistics and ethnography in Voivodina. The Hungarian Cultural Society in
Yugoslavia, with the support of foundations in Hungary and elsewhere, also
carries on a significant book publishing activity. In the field of religious
book publication, next to Agape in Újvidék, the Logos Graphic
Workshop in Tóthfalu plays an increasingly greater role in the publication
of religious books. The Workshop also publishes books dealing with vital
issues regarding the ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina. Since the beginning of
the war years in 1991, more and more literary works written in Voivodina are
published by publishing houses in Hungary.
For decades, the only state-financed institution in the field
of Hungarian-language scientific research was the Hungarian Faculty of the
University of Újvidék, established in 1959, even though it initially carried
out mainly teaching tasks. The Institute of Hungarology was set up on 21 June
1968 and actually began to function 1 on February 1969 under the direction of
István Szeli. The Institute’s scientific objectives included research on the
language, literature, culture and ethnography of Yugoslavia’s Hungarians, with
special emphasis on the relationship between southern Slav and Hungarian
literature and cultural history. Sociological and demographic research on the
ethnic Hungarians, however, was out of question. In 1976, the Institute lost
its independence and was merged with the Hungarian Department under the name
of Research Institute for Hungarian Language, Literature and Hungarology.
Under the Serbian law on higher education, it became again from 1993 on a
faculty in the traditional sense of the term The results of the research
carried out by the department and the institute in the fields of literary
history, literary theory, and linguistics are significant when compared to the
standards of universal Hungarian literary science and philology. The
publication of the Serbo-Croatian-Hungarian big dictionary was also done in
the framework of the faculty’s research activities.
On 24 June 1990, the Hungarian Cultural Society in
Yugoslavia (JMMT) grouping intellectuals was established with the
following objectives: „to stimulate the creative work of the community,
popularize its results, assert the role of the literary culture of the
nationalities, systematically nurture the relationship between the literary
culture of southern Slavs and that of other nations and nationalities, protect
the interests of writers, assist self-supporting activities, and
institutionally guarante authors’ and human rights”. Since its inception,
the Society has organized numerous conferences, the most important of which
was a series of debates on „How to go on after the war?” which sought
answers to issues relating to Hungarian-language education, culture, and
information. The conference entitled „A comprehensive examination of the
Hungarian educational plans in Voivodina” set out to prepare the
establishment of a comprehensive system for Hungarian-language education. By
virtue of its outstanding book publishing activity, JMMT, with István Bosnyák
as its president, significantly contributes to the enrichment of the
intellectual life of Voivodina’s Hungarians.
The Scientific Society for Hungarology Research (MTT),
founded in 1992, set as its goal the strengthening of previously neglected
societal researches. It examines primarily those issues which are of vital
importance to the ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina. Among its most important
research topics, the following deserve mention: the demographic indicators of
Voivodina’s Hungarians (migration in the 1990s); the past, present and future
of Hungarian-language education in Voivodina; the national identity
consciousness of Hungarians in Voivodina; the role of religion in the shaping
of national identity; scientists and their works (in Voivodina) in the
20th century; studies on the knowledge of one’s country; and the
characteristics and life-styles of Hungarian localities in Voivodina. The MTT
Library has also published a series of books which summarize the scientific
aspects of the most burning issues affecting the Hungarians living in
Voivodina. The president of MTT is Irén Molnár Gábrity. In connection with
Hungarian-language scientific research in Voivodina, the thematic issues of
Létünk (Our Existence), the publications which have appeared in Új
Symposion, and the sociological and demographic research done by Károly
Mirnics also deserve mention.
9. CHURCH INSTITUTIONS AND THE EXERCISE OF RELIGION
The vast majority of ethnic Hungarians in Voivodina is Roman
Catholic while most of the remaining portion is Protestant (Reformed, i.e.
Calvinist).
Of the 360,000 faithful belonging to the Roman Catholic
diocese of Bácska, with its seat in Szabadka, 80 percent (approximately
290,000) are ethnic Hungarians, and the remainder predominantly Croatians.
Only a very small number of German, Slovak and Ruthenian Catholics still live
on the territory of the diocese. In the Roman Catholic bishopric of Bánát,
with its seat in Nagybecskerek (Zrenjanin), there are 90,000 faithful, of whom
90 percent (approximately 70,000) are ethnic Hungarians. Only very few
Croatian, Bulgarian, Czech and German faithful reside in this bishopric. For
the first time since the 1920 Trianon Treaty, both church dioceses are headed
by ethnic Hungarian clergymen, Bishop János Pénzes in Szabadka Bisho and
Bishop László Huzsvár in Nagybecskerek.
On the territory of the 13 congregations and 35 scattered
congregations of the Reformed Christian Church of Yugoslavia, with its seat in
Feketics (Feketić), the number of faithful has dropped below 15,000. Together
with their Bishop István Szemesi, they are practically all ethnic Hungarians.
A small number of other Hungarian Protestant churches, among which the
Lutheran Church in Bajmok, led superintendant Árpád Dolinszki, is the most
important one, function in the province of Voivodina.
During the era of Communist Party rule, every form of the
religious worship was penalized and clergymen were in effect driven outside
the framework of society. As a result, the national consciousness-shaping
influence of the churches could hardly assert itself among the Catholics –
this situation was made worse by the non-use of the Hungarian language by many
Croatian priests – while being somewhat stronger among the Protestants. Since
clergymen were hardly able to become involved in the life of the local
society, their influence upon the life of Hungarian communities involved was
very slight. With the advent of political pluralism, the public activities of
the two Hungarian Roman Catholic bishops and their churches consist mainly of
taking certain anti-war steps, in intensifying charitable work and, in some
places, in launching enterprises. The parish of Tóthfalu (Totovo Selo),
to which the Retreat House and Culture Center of the Bishopric of Szabadka
belong, plays an important role in the spiritual life of Voivodina’s
Hungarians. Domus Pacis, the spiritual and community house of the Franciscan
Order of Croatia, located near Horgos, has become famous for the strength that
radiates from it. The Little St. Theresa parish in Zenta (Senta) and the
various activities centered around it, part of which are carried out jointly
with the Lajos Thurzó Public Education Center, are also of great importance.
The assiduous efforts of both the Roman Catholic and Reformed Churches in the
interest of the preservation of the Hungarian communities dispersed throughout
Szerémség and southern Bánát also deserve mention.
The Catholic and the Protestant Churches both suffer from a
shortage of clergymen, which puts an increasing burden upon the current aging
clergy. This situation, along with the placing of non-Hungarian language
priests in part of the Catholic parishes and the ethnic changes within
settlements and families, all limit religious worship in the Hungarian
language and the role of the churches in preserving the Hungarian communities.
The Roman Catholic and the Reformed Churches have been excluded from the
restitution of church properties.
Recently, attacks against Hungarian priests and religious
institutions have reached alarming proportions. During the Kosovo conflict
with NATO, unknown perpetrators blew up the Roman Catholic prayer house at
Káptalanfalva (Bušenje). During summer 1999, several parish houses in
Voivodina, among them that of Mohol (Mol), were broken into. On 4 October
1999, in the courtyard of the Reformed parsonage of Magyarittabé (Novi Itbej),
unknown perpetrators manhandled Ilona Márton, the wife of the local pastor who
serves in Nagybecskerek (Zrenjamin). In the evening of 9 November 1999, in the
Catholic parish of Tóthfalu (Totovo Selo), unknown persons speaking a dialect
from the Krajina region beat up the local parish priest, Jenő Utasi, a retired
priest from Bezdán, Ferenc M. Kecskés, and the female religious instructor
serving the parish whose ribs and fingers were fractured. During the fall, the
crosses erected in the Catholic cemetary of Újvidék on Futaki Road in memory
of the Hungarian victims of the 1944-1945 massacres were vandalized on two
occasions.
10. MASS COMMUNICATION
Even though the number of Hungarian-language press
publications in Voivodina is deceptively high, in reality they are struggling
with serious problems. The transformation in 1990 of newspaper editorial
boards into so-called public enterprises led to a direct say by the state into
editorial policy and personnel questions. Neither the Hungarian interest
protection organizations nor the cultural associations are represented in the
bodies of the communication media. The information law of the Serbian Republic
adopted in October 1998, which is in its entirety in contradiction with the
freedom to expresss one’s opinion, exposes the representatives of the ethnic
Hungarian press to a serious threat because of its repressive and retaliatory
character. The dailies, weeklies, and periodicals still remaining in state
hands are faced with a severe financial crisis, which cannot be entirely
explained by the economic sanctions imposed upon the country. The obvious
reason is more likely to be a concealed effort on the part of the authorities
to strangle the minority and opposition-controlled press. Private newspapers
are nearly on the verge of liquidation because of losses due to the small
number of copies sold and the reduction in consumer purchasing power. In the
1990s, practically every Hungarian-language periodical had to rely on paper
and financial support from Hungary.
The only Hungarian-language daily of Voivodina’s Hungarians
is Magyar Szó (Hungarian Word), published in Újvidék and which is
entering its 56th year after its foundation by the Provincial
Assembly of Voivodina. After Magyar Szó, along with other presss
publications, was transformed in 1990 into a public enterprise, the
authorities intervened in a more direct way in its editorial and personnel
policy. They wanted to remove the editor-in-chief and replace him with a
member of the ruling party. However, this plan failed due to the unanimous
opposition of the editorial board and the solidarity expressed by the
multi-ethnic readers and fellow journalists. Since then, the state subsidy to
the newspaper has been drastically cut as well as the quantity of printing
paper, under the pretext of supply difficulties caused by the war. In 1993 the
daily stopped publication for a short time and later appeared more rarely. In
the past years, it was forced to significantly reduce its size and to
discontinue its regional and thematic supplement. In 1998 and 1999, the entire
editorial office went on strike to protest the lack of state subsidy and
non-payment of salaries. In 1999, the number of copies of the weekday edition
of Magyar Szó was around 5,000, that of the Thursday edition was 22,000
and of the Sunday edition, 28,000 (with 10 percent returned copies). Despite
the state subsidy and the financial support from self-government in Voivodina
and from Hungary, the daily closed the year 1998 with a deficit of 305,000
YUD. A successful outcome of its efforts to gain independence within the Forum
Holding would only solve part of the paper’s concerns. A reorganization of the
editorial office on the basis of modern principles is a task which can no
longer be delayed.
Among the weeklies, 7 Nap (7Days) looks back to a most
illustrious past when it was published in more than 55,000 copies in the
mid-1980s. It first appeared in the format of a daily and later became very
popular as a colorful family magazine with its substantial and fact-finding
reports, outspoken articles, and colorful and entertaining short stories. In
fall 1990, 7 Nap was also transformed into a public enterprise which
led to its elimination in 1993 because of recurring interference on the part
of the authorities The members of the editorial staff soon launched a private
newspaper under the name of Új Hét Nap (New Seven Days), which after a
few issues also ceased publication. On 4 August 1994, Szabad Hét Nap (Free
Seven Days) was launched as a high-standard, politically-oriented weekly
family magazine which assumed the original character of 7 Nap and also
revived the regional and thematic supplements Magyar Szó had been
forced to drop. Until recently, the number of copies of the magazine was
between 14,000 and 16,000 but in 1999, the magazine was forced to reduce its
number of copies to 11,000 due to the high printing costs. With a size of 68
pages, the weekly, which sees itself as the spiritual heir of 7 Nap,
pays considerable attention to the analysis of the vital questions affecting
Hungarians in Voivodina and throughout the world. Until the end of 1998,
Körkép, the bulletin of VMSZ, was published as a supplementary section
of the weekly. Since Szabad Hét Nap receives no state subsidy, it faces
serious financial difficulties which can be only partially solved by the
support of self-governments with a Hungarian majority in Szabadka and other
localities in Voivodina, and by that of foundations in Hungary. In the
meantime, the authorities restarted 7 Nap, which, thanks to state
support, appears regularly as a 26-page bi-weekly published in 5,500 copies.
Its editorial policy is in conformity with the guiding principles set forth by
the regime.
The illustrated magazine Dolgozók (Workers),
financially supported by the trade unions, ceased publication in 1990 in its
43th year. It was soon replaced by the independent weekly magazine Családi
Kör (Family Circle). The 68-page magazine is published by Forum-Workers
Inc. Because of its easily readable and entertaining character, it is
published in several ten thousand copies, but it seldom contains articles
about problems of interest to ethnic Hungarians.
Founded in the late 1960s, Képes Ifjúság (Youth
Illustrated) functioned for some two decades as a paper that influenced
not only the young generation but the entire Hungarian community. Its
courageous tone and its raising of serious social problems and of issues
affecting the minority, and later its opposition to the war in the 1990s soon
drew the anger of the authorities. Since 1991 the paper has been subjected to
the same strangulation policy as experienced by the other Hungarian
newspapers. Presently, it functions within the framework of Forum Holding and
has seven employees. Since its state subsidy became merely symbolic, it
suspended publication in March 1999 and during the NATO action. During the
summer, it was offered one page every week in the daily Magyar Szó. Due
to the editor-in-chief’s open anti-regime attitude and the decrease of young
Hungarian readers in Voivodina, the future of the magazine can be safely
solved only if it becomes totally independent.
Mézeskalács (Honey Cake) is a monthly publication for
children of kindergarten and elementary school age. It is published monthly on
32 small-size pages in 8,000 copies. Jó Pajtás (Good Buddy) offers
reading materials to primary school students on 32 pages every week during the
entire school year. At the beginning of the 1990s, its publication ceased
several times, then the Forum Holding took possession of its founding rights,
which did not resolve anything. In fall 1993, its publication was again
suspended temporarily and, after a major battle, the periodical withdrew from
the Forum Holding and became a private newspaper. The state responded by
withdrawing its subsidy to Jó Pajtás. Because of the large-scale
reduction in the number of Hungarian children, the financial situation of the
weekly remains uncertain to this day. Its publication is supported by the
self-government of Szabadka and the Illyés Public Foundation in Hungary.
Between 1990 and 1997, the privately-funded
Hungarian-language community weekly Napló (Diary) appeared as a
high-standard liberal paper. Its unrelenting critique of both the authorities
and the mistakes of the minority organizations, and its anti-war stand
authenticate to this day the character of the weekly at home and abroad.
Following the death of its editor-in-chief and because of financial
difficulties, it has ceased publication.
In a few regions inhabited by Hungarians, self-governments
are publishing bi-weekly papers, such as Új Kanizsai Újság and
Dunatáj. Local newspapers are published, among other locations in Palics
(Palić), Csantavér (Cantavir), Kishegyes (Mali Iđoš), and Magyarcsernye (Nova
Crnja).
The literary and cultural periodical Híd (Bridge),
published in Újvidék, was launched between the two world wars and can look
back at a long history. The journal Üzenet (Message), which has a more
regional character, can also look back at several decades of publication.
Among the profession-related papers, Új Kép (New Perspective), a
pedagogical periodical deserves mention. Of the publications of the Churches,
Hitélet (Religious Life) and Útitárs (Travel Companion) should
be mentioned.
Since 1968, Belgrade Television has broadcast informative,
cultural, agricultural and children’s programs in the Hungarian language. In
1975, this role was taken over by Újvidék Television. From the beginning of
the 1990s, one can also witness here the scaling down of personnel and of
television time, as well as the authorities’direct intervention in the
contents and intellectuality of the programs. More and more editorial staff
members left because of the pressure exerted upon them, the forced vacations,
the military call-ups, and the war itself. The editorial staff, which numbered
100 in 1988, dropped to 35 by September 1998 and a mere 23 by September 1999.
During NATO’s airstrikes against the television building, the technical
equipment and part of the documentation were destroyed. Currently, the
television station is operating in seven-eight locations, and the programs are
prepared in a basement. After 31 years, the air-time of Hungarian-language
television programs has fallen back to the level at which it started in 1968,
that is a single daily 10-minute news report five days a week and a weekly
30-minute magazine program with varying topics. News reports are mostly
illustrated with motionless pictures, and are limited to those of theTanjug
News Agency.
Until recent years, Radio Újvidék had its independent
Hungarian-language editorial office and broadcast its programs 24 hours a day
on the medium wave length. In 1991, one third of the broadcast time was
switched to the ultra-short wave length, which diminished its reception. Due
to the attempt to dictate editorial policy and the departure of staff members,
the editor-in-chief resigned in 1993 and immigrated to Hungary. Following the
NATO airstrikes, the radio station was also destroyed. However, while the
Serbian-language programs were allocated audible frequencies, the
Hungarian-language program was given one medium wave length that could hardly
be received in Voivodina. This has resulted in the splitting of the air time
between the various national minority languages. The major part of the middle
wave length Hungarian-language program is broadcast during the night. Instead
of the destroyed 1kW capacity radio transmitter, only a 100 Watt transmitter
is currently used for broadcasting, covering only the vicinity of Újvidék.
Currently the heavily diminished editorial staff (the radio’s actors and drama
editors are on forced leave and the most popular youth programs have been
dropped) counts only 56 members.
Prior to NATO’s airstrikes, Radio Szabadka,
established by the local self-government, could be heard in practically the
whole territory of Voivodina. Currently, it can be received only within a
30-kilometer radius around Szabadka. The airtime and technical equipment are
shared by three editorial offices. The Hungarian and Serbian language program
is broadcast six hours a day each, the Croatian-language program, one hour.
The editorial office has ten permanent and eight contractual employeees. Next
to hourly news, Radio Szabadka broadcasts mostly reports on daily happenings
and has a few regular programs devoted to education, the theatre, and events.
It also puts great emphasis on the presentation of events particularly
affecting Hungarians, and its programs are also broadcast by Radio
Kanizsa.